A
Conversation with Nur Yalman
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Nur
Yalman
Professor of Anthropology, Harvard
University
TFF
associate
January 2, 2004 (This interview was conducted in
2001.)
In the fall of 2001, BRC president Masao Yokota met
with Professor Nur Yalman to discuss the root causes of
conflict in the Middle East and long-term solutions for
achieving peace in the wake of the terrorist attacks of
September 11, 2001.
MY: We are now six weeks past the attacks of September
11th. Do you feel the U.S. chose the best option
available when it decided to bomb Afghanistan?
NY: It would have been so much easier not to start
bombing. Instead, we should have brought the Islamic
countries together - all of whom have condemned the
attack - and had them say to the Taliban, "Okay, the time
has come. Get rid of this guy, give him to us, we're
going to try him." That would have been so much easier
than bombing these poor benighted souls. Bombing will get
people very angry. Also, we are really going into very
dangerous waters because we have now destabilized
Pakistan, which has destabilized India. It is also
possible that a very dangerous situation may arise in
Saudi Arabia, and then there will be real trouble,
because Saudi Arabia has oil and money, and India and
Pakistan have nuclear weapons.
MY: You have said elsewhere that no one discusses the
real cause of terrorism. In your view, what is the root
cause?
NY: Daisaku Ikeda [president of Soka Gakkai
International] has been thinking of these matters and
I think his approach has been of great use. His idea of a
dialogue between civilizations, a dialogue between
religions, is a crucial matter. It's obvious to me that
we need to go forward in this direction. We need all our
efforts concentrated on better communication, better
dialogue between civilizations. In that sense, the view
represented by Buddhism is very important.
On the whole, Buddhism has been a very pacific
religion. It is true that there are cases where we had
great trouble with Buddhism - as in Sri Lanka, for
instance - but the message of Buddhism represented by the
Buddha himself is one of making peace between warring
tribes. This is a very good example for the future. My
sense is that we need to continue this effort to bring
people from different backgrounds together so that they
can begin to understand each other.
As for the root cause, I do think the root of the
problem has to do with racism. And the root of racism has
to do with the way countries, including the United
States, have regarded Muslims, in general, and Arabs, in
particular, in the past. That is to say, they have always
considered these people to be second-rate persons. From
World War I onwards, once Britain and France took over
the Arab countries and dominated them, they did not
really consider their interests. And because they did not
consider their interests, they thought that it would be
easy to push the Palestinian people out of Palestine and
give the land to the Jewish people for a national home
for the Jews.
When you look at the historical background, it is
quite clear that Jews and Muslims have existed for
centuries in great peace together all over the Middle
East. The Jews have contributed immensely to the
civilization of Islam: they contributed to music, to the
arts, to literature. Everything gets turned around after
World War II, for it is then that the European problem of
racism - racism against the Jews, anti-Semitism - is
transferred to the Middle East. In effect, the
Palestinian population is made to pay for a European
problem.
How does that happen? There is anti-Semitism in
Germany, in Russia, in Poland, in France, and elsewhere
as well. So the Jews feel uncomfortable. Then they are
attacked by the Nazi forces and so they have to find a
place to escape. Where to escape to? They are given
Palestine, and Israel is created for the Jews.
All of this happens without considering the needs of
the local population. In fact, the local population is
pushed aside. And we now, 50 years later, have the great
problem of two peoples contesting the same piece of land.
We need a resolution of this problem. Without a
resolution of this problem, the relations between the
Islamic world and the rest of the world will not settle
down. This is becoming obvious to all thinking people
everywhere.
MY: So you see European racism as the first issue, the
fundamental root cause?
NY: Yes, that's the first issue, but then there are
other issues which are related to the great anger that
the local populations feel in many Islamic countries
against their own governments. This is true in Egypt and
it seems to be true in Saudi Arabia; there are all sorts
of countries in which the local populations are unhappy
with their governments. This anger takes the form of
feeling dispossessed by the people who support those
governments. And who is it that is supporting those
governments? It's usually the Western powers and
therefore the hostility gets directed to Western powers.
People are well aware that the entire panoply of military
power in the region has been set up for Western
control.
MY: This is the source of violence, even violence
toward the self.
NY: Absolutely, in their acts of desperation, they can
commit suicide. We have seen many people commit suicide
in Palestine. They've been referred to as terrorists, but
you need to understand that these people have been driven
to desperation. We are not taking this seriously enough.
When we first saw all these people committing suicide and
killing a few Israelis in the process, we didn't think
that this was very serious. It was somehow "just a few
terrorists." In fact, it was a symptom of a very profound
malaise that has now come out in the form of this
desperate attack on the Twin Towers in Manhattan. This
is, of course, a totally tragic affair, but not
surprising, given the background of what has been going
on in the Middle East for years.
MY: It is interesting that you see a clear continuum
between the history of trying to solve a problem and
present-day violence.
NY: To return to what I was saying earlier, it all
derives from the fact that people in Europe and the U.S.
do not consider Muslims in the Middle East to be proper
human beings with worries and emotions and rights and
problems. So when we see Palestinian children throwing
stones, people think that it is not so important because
there are so many of them and, so, perhaps they don't
care as much for their children as we do here in the U.S.
But that is never true, because the mothers care for
those children. Yet there is a problem of a magnitude
that is beyond the proper definition of mother-child
relations. It's a terribly tragic situation.
MY: If solutions in the past have led us to this
point, how do we go forward from here with a better, more
long-lasting solution?
NY: Well, we must solve the problems one by one. The
first problem to be solved is really the
Israeli-Palestinian issue. The world must come together
to ensure that there is some just peace established which
protects the rights of the Israelis and protects the
rights of the Palestinians. This is possible. I simply do
not believe that with the immense resources and the
immense intellectual capacity of the Jewish people around
the world, as well as that of the Arabs, that a solution
to this problem cannot be found. It is a matter of people
putting their heads together to try and find a solution
to this problem. It is a problem essentially created by
Europeans and it must be solved with their help. Once
that is solved, then other pieces will fall into
place.
MY: Where does Afghanistan fit in?
NY: I am extremely unhappy that the problem has
migrated to the East. Afghanistan really had nothing to
do with this problem and I'm not sure that they were even
much aware of what was happening in the occupied
territories. But with the arrival of the Arabs in
Afghanistan, things have taken a very nasty turn. And the
development of the Taliban regime has been an unmitigated
disaster for everyone concerned. Once again, we must
acknowledge that Pakistan and the United States have had
a role in that. They were involved in supporting the
Taliban with Saudi Arabia, of course, but in Afghanistan
as well.
MY: And this spills over to other countries in the
region.
NY: Yes. For example, now that the problem has shifted
to the East, it has become embroiled in the Kashmir
issue, which is yet another one of these murderous issues
that needs to be solved, but cannot be solved between
Pakistan and India alone. It will need mediation. It's
possible that Japan can help in that respect as a neutral
power. I think Japan might even be able to help in the
Israeli-Palestinian issue. But obviously all intelligent
people around the world will have to put their heads
together to solve these problems one by one. Otherwise,
we're going to have a very difficult time, not just for
ourselves but also for our children and their
children.
MY: As you remember, in 1993 you kindly hosted BRC
founder Daisaku Ikeda's lecture at Harvard. After that,
he established the BRC to conduct an ongoing dialogue of
civilizations, which he believes is the most effective
way to remove the root cause of conflicts. What do you
think is the best way to conduct a dialogue of
civilizations?
NY: I think what you're doing at the BRC already is
very good, and I think we need to do much more of it. We
need to bring these problems to the attention of world
leaders. We must work with the United Nations. Then we
must bring intelligent people from different places
together to work on these problems.
In the longer term, we need to think of better
governments for spaceship Earth because we're all on the
same spaceship. I have friends - astronomers at Harvard -
who tell me that there aren't very many places in the
universe like ours. We're all on this spaceship, and it's
getting smaller with information technology. This means
we will need to be better governed. And one way in which
we can be better governed is to have more of a sense of
understanding of the needs of other people.
MY: And dialogue provides a mechanism for
understanding...
NY: Yes. In fact, the only way to do that is through
these meetings and discussions and dialogues between
civilizations which Dr. Ikeda has so generously been
supporting. That's absolutely vital. But we need to go
beyond that. We need to begin to think of the systems of
education in different countries. As we all know, Soka
Gakkai's original message has to do with the nature of
education and the significance of education. Once more
we're being made aware of how important this matter
is.
MY: You are referring to education for peace.
NY: Yes, because if you teach hate in schools to large
populations, as apparently is the case with these Islamic
fundamentalist schools all over Asia, this could be very
dangerous. We need to somehow begin to develop a dialogue
with people, with the leaders of these Islamic schools,
which are mainly Saudi-supported Mujahadeen schools.
MY: Does this mean that how young people are educated
in the United States may have to change as well?
NY: Absolutely. I think we need to get a conversation
going on the subject of education, both in the East but
also in the West. Because in the West too, there is a
sense of false complacency. There is too little knowledge
about the nature of Asian society, there's too little
knowledge about Buddhism, too little knowledge about
Hinduism, too little knowledge about Confucianism, and
very doubtful prejudices of long standing about Islam.
These will have to be changed through education.
MY: I was impressed by a statement by Arun Gandhi
right after the September 11th attacks. He said, no one
is born as a terrorist. They are educated to be a
terrorist. Actually, the Taliban are students of a very
extreme way of teaching.
NY: "Taliban" means "student," regrettably.
MY: Transforming our global society through education
will take time. What actions can we take now to change
the course of the current crisis?
NY: The most important practical problem before us
concerns war crimes, war crimes tribunals, and other
tribunals of an international nature, which are
associated with justice. It is absolutely essential that
the U.S. support the International Court of Justice that
was started in Rome. The United States has not wanted to
join that very important initiative of the United
Nations. We must attempt to bring about more respect for
the international rule of law and courts of human
rights.
MY: How would we go about that?
NY: My own preference would be to have a conference, a
serious conference, bringing together all kinds of
lawyers versed in international law and to begin to talk
about regional courts of human rights. We need them
regionally because a court just in New York or just in
Rome or just in Strasbourg is not enough to deal with
problems in Africa, South Africa, East Africa, West
Africa, South Asia, Middle East, etc. We need regional
courts which bring together people from the local
governments in a particular region. And they might go off
to higher courts, but we need to begin to think in terms
of human rights and individuals from different countries
being able to apply to courts of human rights. This is
something very important because it is this sense of
total injustice that drives people absolutely up the
wall. You have that very clearly in the Middle East.
MY: And an international criminal court isn't going to
take care of that? It has to be a regional court?
NY: Yes, it has to be a regional court to which people
can have recourse in their own cultural setting.
MY: Has this idea been tested anywhere in the
world?
NY: A beginning has been made in Southeast Asia. I
gather they have a very elaborate procedure in place now
for dealing with conflict resolution and also human
rights. But we need to begin to think as to how we can
make this into something that is worldwide. I don't know
what the limitations on this would be, but we need to
start thinking about it. The time has come to treat other
people as human beings.
MY: When President Ikeda visited Russia and China in
1975 Buddhist priests asked, "Why do you go where there
are no Buddhists?" And he said, "I go there because there
are human beings." In other words, one of the important
elements of human rights is treating others as human
beings.
NY: Yes. When the Buddha undertook his great
exploration, there were no Buddhists. He was doing it for
humanity, for human beings. And that, in a sense, was
also the message of Muhammad. When he began, there were
tribes with their different idols. One of the critical
moments of Islamic history is when Muhammad breaks the
idols of different tribes to make them understand that
they are all children of the same divine being, that
there is no difference between them, that they're all
human beings. So the message of the unity of human beings
as a whole is part of the original message in Islam, as
well as-of course-of Christianity.
MY: Sometimes people find it easy to say that religion
is a root cause of conflict, and sometimes this seems to
be the reality. But religion also has a very important
role in creating peace in the world because religion
unites people. In your view, what kind of religious
attitude creates conflict and what kind of religion
creates peace?
NY: This is a very profound question, and I'm going to
try to answer it directly. Religion always has two
aspects: one aspect is religious identity, so that you
feel that you're a Buddhist or a Christian or a Jew or a
Hindu or a Muslim or a particular category. That's the
identity function of religion. The identity is tribal,
primitive, barbaric. And all religions have this, whether
we like it or not; they all produce an identity.
The second function of religion is moral and ethical.
And because Of this aspect the great religions are able
to transcend particular identities and produce a desire
for moral and ethical life that rises above particular
religious identities. It is this second element of
religion that we need to bring out, the ethical message,
and it is at that level that dialogue becomes
possible.
The identity aspect is always a hindrance. It is
useful sometimes for people to feel proud of their own
background, but it is a hindrance when you get to the
problem of negotiation and discussion about religious
dialogue. It is at the ethical level over and above the
identity question that real dialogue is possible. The
time has come to overcome our tribalism, to understand we
are human beings. And the only way to do that is to get
out of the identity part of religion to concentrate on
the message.
MY: What you have just said offers hope for the
future.
NY: I think there is a great hope for the future
because it is quite clear that at the ethical level the
messages from the different religions of the world are
very similar to each other, particularly the mystical
elements. In this respect, the great world religions are
very, very similar. Daoism, the Hinduist mystical
elements, the mystical elements in Buddhism, the mystical
elements in Islam, the mystical elements in Shamanism.
They all come very close together in the desire for human
beings to transcend themselves and to become better human
beings, to improve themselves and to rise above their
ordinary, every day existence.
Those desires are very important and in that sense the
mystical teachings in the great world religions - and I'm
not differentiating between Islam or Hinduism or Buddhism
- all celebrate the individual. It is the individual's
own efforts, particularly in Buddhism of course, whereby
you will transcend yourself as a human being and leave
something for the next generation that is better than
what has been achieved before. That great ideal of
bettering humanity, bettering the world, is something
that we need to hope for and achieve.
MY: I agree. Do some religions have a stronger ethical
side than others?
NY: It's a little easier in Buddhism and Hinduism to
see the ethical sides because they are very much
emphasized and the identity side is easier to suppress.
Buddhism and Hinduism both have this very general
humanist aspect to them.
MY: And Confucianism?
NY: And Confucianism and Daoism. And also of course
mysticism in Christianity and mysticism in Judaism and
the Sufi tradition, particularly the Sufi tradition in
Islam. The Sufi tradition is particularly attractive
because it combines this yearning for transcendence,
getting out of one's self, with the idea of the love of
God, but that's just a metaphor for the love of humanity.
This is beautifully expressed by generations of Sufi
poets, the most important of which is our friend Rumi,
who was born in what is today Afghanistan.
MY: Can different religions or cultures learn from
each other?
NY: Japan has a very important role to play because
Japan is non-Western yet highly modern. It, therefore,
can understand the problems of non-Western countries and,
at the same time, lead them in the right direction toward
parliamentary, egalitarian, free societies. What Japan
has been able to achieve is one of the great miracles in
the twentieth century. One hopes that the example of the
Japanese miracle will encourage the intellectuals and
elites in other countries to put in the same effort.
MY: Do you think Turkey might be a parallel to Japan
in that it is a highly modern country that has made a
transition?
NY: Yes. Turkey is the only one of the Islamic states
that has made a successful transition to an open and
vibrant society. It has a long way to go in some
constitutional respects, but it is on the right track,
like Japan. One wishes that Turkey could emulate Japan's
great achievement in educating its population in such a
brilliant way. One cannot but admire the deep sense of
discipline and civic duty so evident in Japan, and so
rare elsewhere. But in Turkey at least you have free
elections, many parties, lots of discussion. The airwaves
are full of excitement. Everybody is willing to talk,
there's free discussion of religion. In that sense,
Turkey is a very good companion to Japan in Asia, and
looks up to Japan as a great example.
MY: Do you see lessons in Japan's experience that
might apply to the Israeli/Palestinian conflict?
NY: Edward Said has written a very interesting article
in which he says the way forward between Israel and
Palestine is that we must have an arrangement to have all
the citizens of Israel and Palestine to have their
individual rights respected as individuals. At the
moment, it's obvious that the Palestinian rights are
nothing. Israel is only thinking of the rights of their
own citizens, and only some of them at that.
MY: Just as Americans only think of their own rights.
Also, some Americans argue that Arab governments have
been shirking their own duties by actually fanning
hostility against Israel.
NY: I think there's no doubt that governments will do
what they think is useful for them. And I must say I have
very little respect for many of these Arab governments
who do not represent their people's interests.
MY: Which we are propping up...
NY: Yes, which the U.S. is propping up. The present
situation, the structuring of the present power in the
modern Middle East, is the creation of the West in one
way or another. Winston Churchill was personally drawing
the borders on the map sitting in a restaurant in
Whitehall in London at the end of World War I. All those
borders were drawn by European powers, by France and
Britain. The whole thing is structured by and for Western
interests.
However, all that aside, each and every one of the
populations in these countries feels very keenly that
they have been scapegoated by Western powers and their
interests are being attacked. This is true of Syria,
which feels that Israel has taken over part of its land.
It's true for Egypt in which the Egyptians feel that
injustice is being done to the Palestinians. It's true
about Jordan and its relations with the West Bank. It's
true in whichever country you deal with. They all feel
that they have been put upon by the Western powers, and I
think they're not far wrong.
MY: Where does this analysis leave Israel?
NY: There is no doubt, given the facts of this
century, that some accommodation has to be made for
Israel's security. Most Arab countries, and I would
venture to say, all the rest of the Islamic countries
would agree to that. If we had a larger international
conference, no doubt there would be an agreement to
provide some safe borders for Israel and make peace. But
if Israel goes on taking over Palestinian land and
creating these settlements on confiscated land that does
not belong to them, you get large Arab populations very
angry, angry at their own governments and certainly angry
at the West, which is maintaining this status quo. Israel
must stop creating situations which engender greater and
greater hostility in the local populations. That creates
ripples that go all the way out to the furthest edges of
Islamic countries and touch many others who recognize
that there's something fundamentally wrong here. It is a
noxious witches' brew which poisons all positive
relations between peoples.
MY: It all comes back to justice, compassion, and
respect for all human beings.
NY: Yes. Regardless of where you begin, that is where
you end up.
(Addendum: Since this interview, the Saudi plan,
adopted at the Beirut summit of Arab States, and
supported by the US, has turned out to be entirely in
accord with the above observations.)
©
TFF & the author 2004
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