What
if...
then perhaps peace is possible
PressInfo #
150
April 30,
2002
By
Jan Oberg, TFF director
This is a follow-up to PressInfo 148
and 149.
Militarisation versus
de-militarisation
Weapons and ammunition have poured into the Middle
East conflict for decades. Those who have earned a profit
on the arms exports have argued that it contributed to
some kind of balance and to "security" and
"stability".
What if we finally used the Middle East tragedy
to stop this kind of (self)deception?
What if a huge peace-keeping mission had been
flown in long ago and, in a no-nonsense manner, had
disarmed all sides, set up a security regime together
with them and created a Zone of Peace?
What if we finally began to look at weapons and
other violent means as a major problem (together with the
deep-rooted conflicts, of course)? True, we may despair
when we see people use weapons and kill each other. But
what if we also condemned those private and state
interests that profited by developing, producing and
exporting those weapons?
What if we condemned the weapons exporting
countries and corporations who hypocritically say: "oh,
you guys were not supposed to use the weapons you paid us
through the nose for! You must stop the violence before
we deal with you!"
What if the media raised questions such as
these: Do the U.S. and other countries have a right to
give Israel weapons and tell it not use them? Is the
United States credible in arguing against military action
when it is history's largest producer and consumer of
weapons and has a historically unique record of wars,
interventions, occupations, covert actions and other
military-supported policies?
Can the U.S. credibly tell Israel not to fight what it
calls terror when it has learnt the trick and the
rhetoric from the U.S. itself since September 11?
Does the United States have any moral right to condemn
Palestinian terrorism when the U.S. itself bases a
considerable part of its global policies on practising
state-terrorism?
What if
then perhaps
What if, in short, we began to address "local"
conflicts as an almost unavoidable consequence of all the
short-sighted and brutal policies conducted by the
international community in the past, in this case from
1948?
What if we dared to draw the conclusion that
violence, whether committed by George W. Bush, bin Laden,
Sharon or the Palestinians, grows out of the interplay
between one side's arrogance of power and the other's
despair and powerlessness?
What if citizens began to demand that some
principles were applied equally? If one compares what
Slobodan Milosevic was presumably responsible for in
Kosovo up to his indictment in 1999 with what Ariel
Sharon is presumably responsible for in the last twenty
or so years, it is not self-evident why the former is in
the Hague and the latter is called "a man of peace" by
the most powerful leader (in military, not intellectual
or moral terms) in the West.
What if we dared say aloud that the use of
violence is always a moral and intellectual defeat? That
it is neither heroism nor statesmanship, but their very
negation? To those who know nothing about conflict,
mediation and peace, violence is a solution. The millions
who know it is not are the ordinary, innocent and
peace-loving citizens who pay the price in the Balkans,
the Horn of Africa, Afghanistan, the Middle East and
elsewhere.
If at least some of these questions were discussed and
researched more, there might be less violence around. We
would see no military occupation by tanks and bulldozers,
no state or small group terror and no suicide bombers.
For a professional conflict expert, for a peace worker,
these are quite natural questions to ask and explore.
My humble conclusion is that as long as there is so
much conflict "illiteracy", so little intellectual
interest and professional knowledge among power elites,
there will be violence.
When we want to reduce violence in traffic, we require
people to read theory books, study the traffic rules,
practise behind the wheel and then pass a test; only then
can they get a driving license. We also build safer roads
and cars. Not so in the international political traffic!
Here people drive fast with no basic concepts, knowledge,
practical experience or licenses concerning conflicts;
and the biggest and fastest vehicles get their own
way
It's obvious that the old intellectual maps are
outdated, the old roads blocked. The tragedy in the
Middle East is not about the Middle East only. It is
about raw power politics disguised as "peace"-making,
conflict-management and "security." It happens in the
wake of ten years of conflict-mismanagement in the
Balkans, Somalia, Afghanistan and tens of other conflict
spots where professed noble motives have been
consistently trampled by interests such as oil,
weapons-testing, diamonds, greed, economic profits, sheer
demonstration of male power, establishment of military
bases, privatisation and NATO expansion. In none of these
terrible hot spots did governments altruistically try to
help local conflicting parties live peacefully
together.
The Middle East should be the final proof of the
peace-making fraud made by the international so-called
community, the United States in particular. Since 1989 we
have witnessed only contempt of international law and
human rights. We have witnessed how the
potentially most relevant and internationally
democratic organisation of all, the United Nations, has
been sidelined and subdued by the United States, again in
particular.
If some high-level leader had the courage to recognise
and say something like this, new roads to global
peace may be opened that would be a bit more worthy of
Western leaders who profess to be both educated and
civilised.
© TFF 2002
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